Quizlet Family Members Affect One Anotherã¢â‚¬â„¢s Health in All of the Following Ways Except ____.

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I. Introduction
Two. Industrialization & Technological Innovation
III. Clearing and Urbanization
IV. The New South and the Trouble of Race
V. Gender, Religion, and Culture
Half-dozen. Conclusion
7. Chief Sources
VIII. Reference Material

I. Introduction

When British writer Rudyard Kipling visited Chicago in 1889, he described a city captivated by engineering science and blinded by greed. He described a rushed and crowded metropolis, a "huge wilderness" with "scores of miles of these terrible streets" and their "hundred thousand of these terrible people." "The testify impressed me with a great horror," he wrote. "There was no color in the street and no beauty—only a maze of wire ropes overhead and dirty stone flagging under foot." He took a cab "and the cabman said that these things were the proof of progress." Kipling visited a "gilded and mirrored" hotel "crammed with people talking about coin, and spitting almost everywhere." He visited extravagant churches and spoke with their congregants. "I listened to people who said that the mere fact of spiking down strips of iron to wood, and getting a steam and fe thing to run along them was progress, that the telephone was progress, and the network of wires overhead was progress. They repeated their statements over again and again." Kipling said American newspapers written report "that the snarling together of telegraph-wires, the heaving up of houses, and the making of money is progress."^ane

Wabash Avenue, Chicago, c. 1907. Library of Congress, LC-D4-70163.

Chicago embodied the triumph of American industrialization. Its meatpacking manufacture typified the sweeping changes occurring in American life. The last decades of the nineteenth century, a new era for large business, saw the formation of big corporations, run by trained bureaucrats and salaried managers, doing national and international business organization. Chicago, for instance, became America's butcher. The Chicago meat processing industry, a cartel of v firms, produced four fifths of the meat bought by American consumers. Kipling described in intimate detail the Union Stock Yards, the nation's largest meat processing zone, a foursquare mile just southwest of the city whose pens and slaughterhouses linked the metropolis's vast agricultural hinterland to the nation's dinner tables. "Once having seen them," he concluded, "you volition never forget the sight." Like other notable Chicago industries, such every bit agricultural machinery and steel production, the meatpacking manufacture was closely tied to urbanization and immigration. In 1850, Chicago had a population of about xxx thousand. Twenty years later, it had three hundred 1000. Nothing could stop the city'south growth. The Smashing Chicago Fire leveled 3.5 square miles and left a 3rd of its residents homeless in 1871, just the metropolis apace recovered and resumed its spectacular growth. By the turn of the twentieth century, the urban center was home to 1.seven million people.

Chicago's explosive growth reflected national trends. In 1870, a quarter of the nation'south population lived in towns or cities with populations greater than ii,500. By 1920, a bulk did. Simply if many who flocked to Chicago and other American cities came from rural America, many others emigrated from overseas. Mirroring national clearing patterns, Chicago's newcomers had at first come up generally from Germany, the British Isles, and Scandinavia, just, by 1890, Poles, Italians, Czechs, Hungarians, Lithuanians, and others from southern and eastern Europe fabricated upwardly a bulk of new immigrants. Chicago, similar many other American industrial cities, was also an immigrant city. In 1900, nearly 80 percent of Chicago'due south population was either foreign-born or the children of foreign-born immigrants.^two

Kipling visited Chicago but as new industrial modes of production revolutionized the Us. The rising of cities, the evolution of American immigration, the transformation of American labor, the farther making of a mass civilisation, the creation of great concentrated wealth, the growth of vast city slums, the conquest of the West, the emergence of a heart form, the problem of poverty, the triumph of big business organization, widening inequalities, battles between capital and labor, the final devastation of independent farming, quantum technologies, ecology destruction: industrialization created a new America.

II. Industrialization & Technological Innovation

The railroads created the start great concentrations of upper-case letter, spawned the first massive corporations, made the showtime of the vast fortunes that would ascertain the Gilt Age, unleashed labor demands that united thousands of farmers and immigrants, and linked many towns and cities. National railroad mileage tripled in the twenty years after the outbreak of the Civil War, and tripled once again over the iv decades that followed. Railroads impelled the cosmos of uniform time zones across the country, gave industrialists access to remote markets, and opened the American West. Railroad companies were the nation's largest businesses. Their vast national operations demanded the cosmos of innovative new corporate organization, advanced management techniques, and vast sums of capital. Their huge expenditures spurred countless industries and attracted droves of laborers. And equally they crisscrossed the nation, they created a national market, a truly national economy, and, seemingly, a new national civilisation.³

The railroads were non natural creations. Their vast capital requirements required the employ of incorporation, a legal innovation that protected shareholders from losses. Enormous amounts of government support followed. Federal, land, and local governments offered unrivaled handouts to create the national rail networks. Lincoln's Republican Political party—which dominated government policy during the Civil War and Reconstruction—passed legislation granting vast subsidies. Hundreds of millions of acres of land and millions of dollars' worth of government bonds were freely given to build the dandy transcontinental railroads and the innumerable trunk lines that quickly annihilated the vast geographic barriers that had so long sheltered American cities from 1 another.

This print shows the four stages of pork packing in nineteenth-century Cincinnati: Killing, cutting, rendering, and salting.

This print shows the four stages of pork packing in nineteenth-century Cincinnati. This centralization of product fabricated meat-packing an innovative industry, ane of great involvement to industrialists of all ilks. In fact, this chromo-lithograph was exhibited by the Cincinnati Pork Packers' Association at the International Exposition in Vienna, Austria. 1873. Wikimedia.

As railroad construction drove economic development, new means of product spawned new systems of labor. Many wage earners had traditionally seen factory work equally a temporary stepping-stone to attaining their ain small businesses or farms. Subsequently the state of war, however, new applied science and greater mechanization meant fewer and fewer workers could legitimately aspire to economic independence. Stronger and more than organized labor unions formed to fight for a growing, more-permanent working grade. At the same time, the growing scale of economical enterprises increasingly disconnected owners from their employees and day-to-day business organization operations. To handle their vast new operations, owners turned to managers. Educated bureaucrats swelled the ranks of an emerging middle class.

Industrialization besides remade much of American life outside the workplace. Quickly growing industrialized cities knit together urban consumers and rural producers into a single, integrated national market. Nutrient product and consumption, for case, were utterly nationalized. Chicago'southward stockyards seemingly tied information technology all together. Between 1866 and 1886, ranchers drove a 1000000 caput of cattle annually overland from Texas ranches to railroad depots in Kansas for shipment by rail to Chicago. After travelling through modern "disassembly lines," the animals left the adjoining slaughterhouses every bit slabs of meat to be packed into refrigerated runway cars and sent to butcher shops across the continent. Past 1885, a scattering of large-calibration industrial meatpackers in Chicago were producing well-nigh five hundred million pounds of "dressed" beef annually.^four The new calibration of industrialized meat production transformed the mural. Buffalo herds, grasslands, and old-growth forests gave way to cattle, corn, and wheat. Chicago became the Gateway City, a crossroads connecting American agronomical goods, capital markets in New York and London, and consumers from all corners of the United States.

Technological innovation accompanied economic development. For April Fool's Day in 1878, the New York Daily Graphic published a fictitious interview with the historic inventor Thomas A. Edison. The slice described the "biggest invention of the age"—a new Edison machine that could create forty different kinds of food and drink out of only air, h2o, and dirt. "Meat volition no longer be killed and vegetables no longer grown, except by savages," Edison promised. The car would stop "dearth and pauperism." And all for $five or $half-dozen per car! The story was a joke, of course, just Edison nevertheless received inquiries from readers wondering when the food machine would exist ready for the market. Americans had apparently witnessed such startling technological advances—advances that would have seemed far-fetched mere years earlier—that the Edison food machine seemed entirely plausible.⁵

In September 1878, Edison announced a new and aggressive line of enquiry and development—electric power and lighting. The scientific principles backside dynamos and electrical motors—the conversion of mechanical energy to electric power, and vice versa—were long known, but Edison applied the age'south bureaucratic and commercial ethos to the problem. Far from a solitary inventor gripped by inspiration toiling in isolation, Edison avant-garde the model of commercially minded direction of inquiry and development. Edison folded his two identities, business director and inventor, together. He called his Menlo Park research laboratory an "invention factory" and promised to plough out "a small invention every ten days and a big thing every 6 months or so." He brought his fully equipped Menlo Park inquiry laboratory and the skilled machinists and scientists he employed to conduct on the trouble of edifice an electric power organization—and commercializing information technology.

Past late fall 1879, Edison exhibited his system of power generation and electrical light for reporters and investors. And so he scaled upward product. He sold generators to businesses. By the middle of 1883, Edison had overseen structure of 330 plants powering over sixty g lamps in factories, offices, printing houses, hotels, and theaters effectually the world. He convinced municipal officials to build fundamental power stations and run power lines. New York'southward Pearl Street central station opened in September 1882 and powered a square mile of downtown Manhattan. Electricity revolutionized the earth. Information technology not just illuminated the dark, it powered the Second Industrial Revolution. Factories could operate anywhere at whatsoever hour. Electric rail cars allowed for cities to build out and electric elevators immune for them to build up.

Economical advances, technological innovation, social and cultural evolution, demographic changes: the United States was a nation transformed. Industry boosted productivity, railroads connected the nation, more and more Americans labored for wages, new bureaucratic occupations created a vast "white neckband" middle class, and unprecedented fortunes rewarded the owners of capital. These revolutionary changes, of class, would not occur without conflict or result (see Chapter 16), but they demonstrated the profound transformations remaking the nation. Change was not bars to economics alone. Change gripped the lives of everyday Americans and fundamentally reshaped American culture.^vi

III. Immigration and Urbanization

A photograph of State Street, south from Lake Street, Chicago, Ill. A streetcar mixes with horse-drawn carriages, and automobiles.

Country Street, south from Lake Street, Chicago, Ill, ca.1900-1910. Library of Congress, LC-D4-70158.

Industry pulled always more Americans into cities. Manufacturing needed the labor pool and the infrastructure. America's urban population increased sevenfold in the one-half century after the Ceremonious War. Presently the United States had more big cities than whatever country in the globe. The 1920 U.Southward. census revealed that, for the first time, a bulk of Americans lived in urban areas. Much of that urban growth came from the millions of immigrants pouring into the nation. Between 1870 and 1920, over twenty-5 million immigrants arrived in the U.s..

Past the turn of the twentieth century, new immigrant groups such equally Italians, Poles, and Eastern European Jews fabricated up a larger per centum of arrivals than the Irish gaelic and Germans. The specific reasons that immigrants left their particular countries and the reasons they came to the United states (what historians call push and pull factors) varied. For example, a young husband and wife living in Sweden in the 1880s and unable to purchase farmland might read an advertisement for cheap land in the American Midwest and immigrate to the U.s.a. to begin a new life. A young Italian man might simply promise to labor in a steel manufactory long enough to save upwards plenty money to return domicile and purchase country for a family. A Russian Jewish family persecuted in European pogroms might look to the United states equally a sanctuary. Or perhaps a Japanese migrant might hear of fertile farming country on the West Declension and choose to canvass for California. Only if many factors pushed people away from their habitation countries, past far the nigh important factor cartoon immigrants was economics. Immigrants came to the U.s.a. looking for work.

Industrial commercialism was the most important factor that drew immigrants to the United States between 1880 and 1920. Immigrant workers labored in big industrial complexes producing goods such as steel, textiles, and food products, replacing smaller and more than local workshops. The influx of immigrants, alongside a big movement of Americans from the countryside to the city, helped propel the rapid growth of cities like New York, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Milwaukee, and St. Louis. Past 1890, immigrants and their children accounted for roughly 60 percent of the population in most large northern cities (and sometimes as high every bit 80 or 90 percentage). Many immigrants, especially from Italy and the Balkans, ever intended to return habitation with enough money to buy land. Only what near those who stayed? Did the new arrivals assimilate together in the American melting pot—becoming just like those already in the United States—or did they retain, and sometimes even strengthen, their traditional ethnic identities? The respond lies somewhere in between. Immigrants from specific countries—and often even specific communities—often clustered together in ethnic neighborhoods. They formed vibrant organizations and societies, such as Italian workmen's clubs, Eastern European Jewish common help societies, and Polish Cosmic churches, to ease the transition to their new American home. Immigrant communities published newspapers in dozens of languages and purchased spaces to go along their arts, languages, and traditions live. And from these foundations they facilitated even more than clearing: later staking out a claim to some corner of American life, they wrote abode and encouraged others to follow them (historians call this chain migration).

Many cities' politics adapted to immigrant populations. The infamous urban political machines often operated as a kind of mutual assist society. New York City's Autonomous Political party car, popularly known as Tammany Hall, drew the greatest ire from critics and seemed to embody all of the worst of city machines, merely it besides responded to immigrant needs. In 1903, journalist William Riordon published a book, Plunkitt of Tammany Hall, which chronicled the activities of ward heeler George Washington Plunkitt. Plunkitt elaborately explained to Riordon the difference between "honest graft" and "dishonest graft": "I made my pile in politics, but, at the same time, I served the organization and got more big improvements for New York City than any other livin' human being." While exposing abuse, Riordon also revealed the hard work Plunkitt undertook on behalf of his largely immigrant constituency. On a typical day, Riordon wrote, Plunkitt was awakened at two a.m. to bond out a saloonkeeper who stayed open up too late, was awakened again at six a.one thousand. because of a fire in the neighborhood and spent time finding lodgings for the families displaced by the fire, and, afterward spending the rest of the morning in courtroom to secure the release of several of his constituents, found jobs for four unemployed men, attended an Italian funeral, visited a church building social, and dropped in on a Jewish nuptials. He returned home at midnight.⁷

Tammany Hall's corruption, especially under the reign of William "Boss" Tweed, was legendary, but the public works projects that funded Tammany Hall's graft also provided essential infrastructure and public services for the urban center'due south rapidly expanding population. Water, sewer, and gas lines; schools, hospitals, borough buildings, and museums; police and burn departments; roads, parks (notably Key Park), and bridges (notably the Brooklyn Bridge): all could, in whole or in part, exist credited to Tammany's reign. Still, machine politics could never exist plenty. As the urban population exploded, many immigrants constitute themselves trapped in crowded, crime-ridden slums. Americans somewhen took notice of this urban crisis and proposed municipal reforms but also grew concerned about the declining quality of life in rural areas.

While cities boomed, rural worlds languished. Some Americans scoffed at rural backwardness and reveled in the countryside'south decay, just many romanticized the countryside, historic rural life, and wondered what had been lost in the cities. Sociologist Kenyon Butterfield, concerned by the sprawling nature of industrial cities and suburbs, regretted the eroding social position of rural citizens and farmers: "Agriculture does non hold the same relative rank among our industries that it did in quondam years." Butterfield saw "the farm problem" as function of "the whole question of democratic civilisation."^eight He and many others idea the rise of the cities and the fall of the countryside threatened traditional American values. Many proposed conservation. Liberty Hyde Bailey, a botanist and rural scholar selected by Theodore Roosevelt to chair a federal Commission on Country Life in 1907, believed that rural places and industrial cities were linked: "Every agricultural question is a city question."⁹

Many longed for a middle path between the cities and the country. New suburban communities on the outskirts of American cities divers themselves in opposition to urban crowding. Americans contemplated the complicated relationships between rural places, suburban living, and urban spaces. Los Angeles became a model for the suburban development of rural places. Dana Barlett, a social reformer in Los Angeles, noted that the city, stretching across dozens of small towns, was "a better city" because of its residential identity as a "city of homes."^x This language was seized upon past many suburbs that hoped to avoid both urban sprawl and rural decay. In Glendora, ane of these small towns on the outskirts of Los Angeles, local leaders were "loath equally anyone to see it become cosmopolitan." Instead, in order to take Glendora "grow along the lines necessary to have it remain an enjoyable city of homes," they needed to "bestir ourselves to direct its growth" by encouraging non industry or agriculture just residential development.¹¹

IV. The New South and the Trouble of Race

"There was a Due south of slavery and secession," Atlanta Constitution editor Henry Grady proclaimed in an 1886 voice communication in New York. "That South is dead."¹² Grady captured the sentiment of many white southern business and political leaders who imagined a New S that could turn its back to the past by embracing industrialization and diversified agriculture. He promoted the region's economic possibilities and mutual hereafter prosperity through an alliance of northern uppercase and southern labor. Grady and other New Southward boosters hoped to shape the region'due south economy in the Due north's image. They wanted industry and they wanted infrastructure. But the past could not be escaped. Economically and socially, the "New Due south" would still be much like the old.

The ambitions of Atlanta, seen in the structure of such grand buildings every bit the Kimball House Hotel, reflected the larger regional aspirations of the so-called New Southward. 1890. Wikimedia.

A "New South" seemed an obvious need. The Confederacy's failed insurrection wreaked havoc on the southern economy and crippled southern prestige. Property was destroyed. Lives were lost. Political power vanished. And four million enslaved Americans—representing the wealth and power of the antebellum white South—threw off their chains and walked proudly forward into freedom.

Emancipation unsettled the southern social order. When Reconstruction regimes attempted to grant freedpeople total citizenship rights, anxious whites struck dorsum. From their fear, anger, and resentment they lashed out, not merely in organized terrorist organizations such equally the Ku Klux Klan but in political abuse, economic exploitation, and violent intimidation. White southerners took dorsum control of state and local governments and used their reclaimed power to disenfranchise African Americans and pass "Jim Crow" laws segregating schools, transportation, employment, and various public and private facilities. The reestablishment of white supremacy subsequently the "redemption" of the Southward from Reconstruction contradicted proclamations of a "New" South. Mayhap nothing harked so forcefully back to the barbaric southern past than the wave of lynchings—the extralegal murder of individuals by vigilantes—that washed beyond the South after Reconstruction. Whether for bodily crimes or fabricated crimes or for no crimes at all, white mobs murdered roughly five thou African Americans between the 1880s and the 1950s.

Lynching was not merely murder, it was a ritual rich with symbolism. Victims were not simply hanged, they were mutilated, burned live, and shot. Lynchings could go carnivals, public spectacles attended past thousands of eager spectators. Rails lines ran special cars to accommodate the rush of participants. Vendors sold goods and keepsakes. Perpetrators posed for photos and collected mementos. And it was increasingly common. One notorious instance occurred in Georgia in 1899. Accused of killing his white employer and raping the homo'due south married woman, Sam Hose was captured by a mob and taken to the town of Newnan. Word of the impending lynching quickly spread, and specially chartered passenger trains brought some 4 m visitors from Atlanta to witness the gruesome thing. Members of the mob tortured Hose for well-nigh an hr. They sliced off pieces of his body as he screamed in agony. And then they poured a tin of kerosene over his body and burned him alive.¹³

At the barbarian height of southern lynching, in the concluding years of the nineteenth century, southerners lynched two to 3 African Americans every week. In general, lynchings were most frequent in the Cotton Belt of the Lower S, where southern Black people were almost numerous and where the majority worked as tenant farmers and field hands on the cotton farms of white landowners. The states of Mississippi and Georgia had the greatest number of recorded lynchings: from 1880 to 1930, Mississippi lynch mobs killed over five hundred African Americans; Georgia mobs murdered more four hundred.

Throughout the belatedly nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a number of prominent southerners openly supported lynching, arguing that it was a necessary evil to punish Black rapists and deter others. In the late 1890s, Georgia newspaper columnist and noted women'southward rights activist Rebecca Latimer Felton—who would later become the first woman to serve in the U.S. Senate—endorsed such extrajudicial killings. She said, "If information technology takes lynching to protect women'due south dearest possession from drunken, ravening beasts, then I say lynch a thousand a week."¹⁴ When opponents argued that lynching violated victims' constitutional rights, Southward Carolina governor Coleman Blease angrily responded, "Whenever the Constitution comes between me and the virtue of the white women of South Carolina, I say to hell with the Constitution."^fifteen

This photograph shows the lynching of Laura and Lawrence Nelson on May 25, 1911 in Okemah, Oklahoma. One of thousands of lynchings throughout the South in the late nineteenth and century twentieth centuries, this particular case of the lynching of a mother and son garnered national attention. In response, the local white newspaper in Okemah simply wrote,

This photograph captures the lynching of Laura and Lawrence Nelson, a female parent and son, on May 25, 1911, in Okemah, Oklahoma. In response to national attending, the local white newspaper in Okemah merely wrote, "While the full general sentiment is agin to the method, information technology is generally idea that the negroes got what would accept been due them under due process of law." Wikimedia.

Black activists and white allies worked to outlaw lynching. Ida B. Wells, an African American woman born in the last years of slavery and a pioneering anti-lynching advocate, lost three friends to a lynch mob in Memphis, Tennessee, in 1892. That yr, Wells published Southern Horrors: Lynch Police force in All Its Phases, a groundbreaking work that documented the South's lynching culture and exposed the myth of the Black rapist.¹⁶ The Tuskegee Establish and the NAACP both compiled and publicized lists of every reported lynching in the U.s.. In 1918, Representative Leonidas Dyer of Missouri introduced federal anti-lynching legislation that would have made local counties where lynchings took place legally liable for such killings. Throughout the early 1920s, the Dyer Nib was the subject of heated political debate, merely, fiercely opposed by southern congressmen and unable to win plenty northern champions, the proposed bill was never enacted.

Lynching was not only the form of racial violence that survived Reconstruction. White political violence continued to follow African American political participation and labor arrangement, all the same severely circumscribed. When the Populist insurgency created new opportunities for black political activism, white Democrats responded with terror. In North Carolina, Populists and Republicans "fused" together and won stunning electoral gains in 1896. Shocked White Democrats formed "Scarlet Shirt" groups, paramilitary organizations dedicated to eradicating black political participation and restoring Autonomous dominion through violence and intimidation. Launching a self-described "white supremacy campaign" of violence and intimidation against black voters and officeholders during the 1898 state elections, the Blood-red Shirts finer took back state government. But municipal elections were not held that year in Wilmington, where Fusionists controlled urban center government. After manning armed barricades blocking blackness voters from entering the boondocks to vote in the state elections, the Carmine Shirts drafted a "White Declaration of Independence" which declared "that that we will no longer be ruled and will never again exist ruled, by men of African origin." 457 white Democrats signed the document. They as well issued a twelve-hour ultimatum that editor of the city'due south black daily newspaper flee the city. The editor left, but it wasn't enough. Twelve hours after, hundreds of Red Shirts raided the city's armory and ransacked the newspaper part anyhow. The mob swelled and turned on the urban center's black neighborhood, destroying homes and businesses and opening fire on any Black person they found. Dozens were killed and hundreds more fled the city. The mob then forced the mayor, the urban center's aldermen, and the police chief, at gun point, to immediately resign. To ensure their gains, the Democrats rounded up prominent fusionists, placed them on railroad cars, and, under armed guard, sent them out of the state. The mob installed and swore in their own replacements. It was a full-blown coup.

Lynching and organized terror campaigns were merely the vehement worst of the South's racial world. Discrimination in employment and housing and the legal segregation of public and private life also reflected the rise of a new Jim Crow South. So-chosen Jim Crow laws legalized what custom had long dictated. Southern states and municipalities enforced racial segregation in public places and in individual lives. Separate coach laws were some of the first such laws to announced, offset in Tennessee in the 1880s. Soon schools, stores, theaters, restaurants, bathrooms, and nearly every other role of public life were segregated. So likewise were social lives. The sin of racial mixing, critics said, had to be heavily guarded against. Wedlock laws regulated against interracial couples, and white men, ever anxious of relationships between Black men and white women, passed miscegenation laws and justified lynching as an appropriate extralegal tool to police the racial divide.

In politics, de facto limitations of Black voting had suppressed Blackness voters since Reconstruction. Whites stuffed ballot boxes and intimidated Black voters with physical and economical threats. And then, from roughly 1890 to 1908, southern states implemented de jure, or legal, disfranchisement. They passed laws requiring voters to pass literacy tests (which could exist judged arbitrarily) and pay poll taxes (which hit poor white and poor Black Americans alike), effectively denying Black men the franchise that was supposed to have been guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment. Those responsible for such laws posed as reformers and justified voting restrictions as for the public skilful, a mode to make clean upward politics by purging corrupt African Americans from the voting rolls.

With white supremacy secured, prominent white southerners looked outward for back up. New South boosters hoped to confront mail service-Reconstruction uncertainties by rebuilding the South's economic system and convincing the nation that the South could be more an economically backward, race-obsessed backwater. And as they did, they began to retell the history of the contempo by. A kind of borough religion known as the "Lost Cause" glorified the Confederacy and romanticized the Old South. White southerners looked forwards while simultaneously harking back to a mythic imagined past inhabited by contented and loyal slaves, chivalrous and generous masters, chivalric and honorable men, and pure and true-blue southern belles. Secession, they said, had little to exercise with the institution of slavery, and soldiers fought simply for domicile and laurels, not the continued buying of human beings. The New Southward, then, would be congenital physically with new technologies, new investments, and new industries, but undergirded by political and social custom.

Henry Grady might accept alleged the Confederate South dead, but its retentiveness pervaded the thoughts and deportment of white southerners. Lost Cause champions overtook the South. Women's groups, such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy, joined with Confederate veterans to preserve a pro-Amalgamated past. They built Amalgamated monuments and historic Confederate veterans on Memorial Twenty-four hours. Across the Southward, towns erected statues of Full general Robert Due east. Lee and other Confederate figures. By the turn of the twentieth century, the idealized Lost Cause past was entrenched not simply in the South but across the state. In 1905, for instance, North Carolinian Thomas F. Dixon published a novel, The Clansman, which depicted the Ku Klux Klan equally heroic defenders of the Southward against the corruption of African American and northern "carpetbag" misrule during Reconstruction. In 1915, acclaimed film director David W. Griffith adapted Dixon's novel into the groundbreaking blockbuster film, Birth of a Nation. (The picture almost singlehandedly rejuvenated the Ku Klux Klan.) The romanticized version of the antebellum Southward and the distorted version of Reconstruction dominated popular imagination.¹⁷

While Lost Crusade defenders mythologized their past, New South boosters struggled to wrench the Due south into the modern world. The railroads became their focus. The region had lagged behind the N in the railroad building boom of the midnineteenth century, and postwar expansion facilitated connections between the near rural segments of the population and the region'due south ascent urban areas. Boosters campaigned for the construction of new difficult-surfaced roads likewise, arguing that improved roads would further increase the flow of goods and people and entice northern businesses to relocate to the region. The rising popularity of the machine after the turn of the century only increased pressure for the construction of reliable roads between cities, towns, county seats, and the vast farmlands of the South.

Along with new transportation networks, New Southward boosters continued to promote industrial growth. The region witnessed the ascent of various manufacturing industries, predominantly textiles, tobacco, furniture, and steel. While agriculture—cotton in particular—remained the mainstay of the region's economy, these new industries provided new wealth for owners, new investments for the region, and new opportunities for the exploding number of landless farmers to finally flee the land. Industries offered low-paying jobs just also opportunity for rural poor who could no longer sustain themselves through subsistence farming. Men, women, and children all moved into wage piece of work. At the turn of the twentieth century, nearly one 4th of southern mill workers were children aged half dozen to sixteen.

In most cases, as in most aspects of life in the New South, new factory jobs were racially segregated. Better-paying jobs were reserved for whites, while the almost dangerous, labor-intensive, dirtiest, and lowest-paying positions were relegated to African Americans. African American women, shut out of most industries, found employment most often as domestic assistance for white families. Equally poor as white southern mill workers were, southern Black people were poorer. Some white mill workers could even afford to pay for domestic assistance in caring for young children, cleaning houses, doing laundry, and cooking meals. Mill villages that grew up alongside factories were whites-only, and African American families were pushed to the outer perimeter of the settlements.

That a "New South" emerged in the decades betwixt Reconstruction and World War I is debatable. If measured by industrial output and railroad construction, the New Due south was a reality only if measured relative to the rest of the nation, it was a limited one. If measured in terms of racial discrimination, however, the New South looked much like the Old. Boosters such as Henry Grady said the Southward was done with racial questions just lynching and segregation and the institutionalization of Jim Crow exposed the South's lingering racial obsessions. Meanwhile, most southerners still toiled in agriculture and still lived in poverty. Industrial development and expanding infrastructure, rather than re-creating the South, coexisted easily with white supremacy and an impoverished agricultural economy. The trains came, factories were built, and uppercase was invested, merely the region remained mired in poverty and racial apartheid. Much of the "New South," then, was annihilation simply new.

V. Gender, Religion, and Civilization

Visitors to the Columbian Exposition of 1893 took in the view of the Court of Honor from the roof of the Manufacturers Building. Fine art Institute of Chicago, via Wikimedia

In 1905, Standard Oil tycoon John D. Rockefeller donated $100,000 (about $2.5 million today) to the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. Rockefeller was the richest human being in America but also one of the most hated and mistrusted. Even admirers conceded that he achieved his wealth through often illegal and usually immoral business organization practices. Journalist Ida Tarbell had fabricated waves describing Standard Oil's long-standing ruthlessness and predilections for political corruption. Clergymen, led by reformer Washington Gladden, fiercely protested the donation. A decade earlier, Gladden had asked of such donations, "Is this clean money? Tin can any man, can any institution, knowing its origin, bear upon it without being defiled?" Gladden said, "In the cool brutality with which backdrop are wrecked, securities destroyed, and people by the hundreds robbed of their piffling all to build upwards the fortunes of the multi-millionaires, we have an appalling revelation of the kind of monster that a man existence may become."¹⁸

Despite widespread criticism, the board accustomed Rockefeller's donation. Board president Samuel Capen did not defend Rockefeller, arguing that the gift was charitable and the lath could not assess the origin of every donation, but the dispute shook Capen. Was a corporate groundwork incompatible with a religious organisation? The "tainted money debate" reflected questions about the proper relationship between faith and commercialism. With ascent income inequality, would religious groups be forced to support either the aristocracy or the disempowered? What was moral in the new industrial United States? And what obligations did wealth bring? Steel magnate Andrew Carnegie popularized the idea of a "gospel of wealth" in an 1889 commodity, challenge that "the true antidote for the temporary unequal distribution of wealth" was the moral obligation of the rich to give to charity.^nineteen Farmers and labor organizers, meanwhile, argued that God had blest the weak and that new Gilded Age fortunes and corporate management were inherently immoral. As time passed, American churches increasingly adapted themselves to the new industrial society. Fifty-fifty Gladden came to accept donations from the so-chosen robber barons, such as the Baptist John D. Rockefeller, who increasingly touted the morality of business concern. Meanwhile, as many churches wondered about the compatibility of big fortunes with Christian values, others were concerned for the fate of traditional American masculinity.

The economic and social changes of the late nineteenth and early on twentieth centuries—including increased urbanization, immigration, advancements in science and technology, patterns of consumption and the new availability of goods, and new awareness of economical, racial, and gender inequalities—challenged traditional gender norms. At the same time, urban spaces and shifting cultural and social values presented new opportunities to challenge traditional gender and sexual norms. Many women, carrying on a entrada that stretched long into the past, vied for equal rights. They became activists: they targeted municipal reforms, launched labor rights campaigns, and, higher up all, bolstered the suffrage movement.

Urbanization and immigration fueled anxieties that former social mores were being subverted and that old forms of social and moral policing were increasingly inadequate. The anonymity of urban spaces presented an opportunity in particular for female sexuality and for male and female person sexual experimentation forth a spectrum of orientations and gender identities. Anxiety over female person sexuality reflected generational tensions and differences, besides as racial and class ones. As young women pushed back confronting social mores through premarital sexual exploration and expression, social welfare experts and moral reformers labeled such girls feeble-minded, believing even that such unfeminine beliefs could be symptomatic of clinical insanity rather than free-willed expression. Generational differences exacerbated the social and familial tensions provoked by shifting gender norms. Youths challenged the norms of their parents' generations by donning new fashions and enjoying the delights of the city. Women's fashion loosed its physical constraints: corsets relaxed and hemlines rose. The newfound physical freedom enabled by looser clothes was also mimicked in the pursuit of other freedoms.

While many women worked to liberate themselves, many, sometimes simultaneously, worked to uplift others. Women's work against alcohol propelled temperance into ane of the foremost moral reforms of the menses. Middle-class, typically Protestant women based their set on on alcohol on the basis of their feminine virtue, Christian sentiment, and their protective role in the family and dwelling. Others, like Jane Addams and settlement house workers, sought to impart a middle-class teaching on immigrant and working-class women through the institution of settlement homes. Other reformers touted a "scientific motherhood": the new science of hygiene was deployed as a method of both social uplift and moralizing, specially of working-class and immigrant women.

Taken a few years after the publication of

Taken a few years later the publication of "The Xanthous Wallpaper," this portrait photograph shows activist Charlotte Perkins Gilman's feminine poise and respectability even as she sought massive change for women'south place in society. An outspoken supporter of women'southward rights, Gilman's works challenged the supposedly "natural" inferiority of women. Wikimedia.

Women vocalized new discontents through literature. Charlotte Perkins Gilman'due south brusk story "The Xanthous Wallpaper" attacked the "naturalness" of feminine domesticity and critiqued Victorian psychological remedies administered to women, such as the "rest cure." Kate Chopin's The Awakening, prepare in the American South, likewise criticized the domestic and familial function ascribed to women by society and gave expression to feelings of malaise, desperation, and desire. Such literature directly challenged the condition quo of the Victorian era's constructions of femininity and feminine virtue, besides equally established feminine roles.

While many men worried about female activism, they worried too about their own masculinity. To broken-hearted observers, industrial capitalism was withering American manhood. Rather than working on farms and in factories, where immature men formed physical musculus and spiritual grit, new generations of workers labored backside desks, wore white collars, and, in the words of Supreme Courtroom Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, appeared "blackness-coated, potent-jointed, soft-muscled, [and] paste-complexioned."²⁰ Neurologist George Beard even coined a medical term, neurasthenia, for a new emasculated condition that was marked by depression, indigestion, hypochondria, and extreme nervousness. The philosopher William James called information technology "Americanitis." Academics increasingly warned that America had become a nation of emasculated men.

Churches too worried about feminization. Women had always comprised a clear bulk of church building memberships in the Us, but now the theologian Washington Gladden said, "A preponderance of female person influence in the Church or anywhere else in society is unnatural and injurious." Many feared that the feminized church had feminized Christ himself. Rather than a rough-hewn carpenter, Jesus had been made "mushy" and "sweetly effeminate," in the words of Walter Rauschenbusch. Advocates of a so-called muscular Christianity sought to stiffen young men'south backbones by putting them back in touch with their fundamental manliness. Pulling from contemporary developmental theory, they believed that young men ought to evolve every bit civilization evolved, advancing from archaic nature-dwelling house to modernistic industrial enlightenment. To facilitate "primitive" encounters with nature, muscular Christians founded summer camps and outdoor boys' clubs like the Woodcraft Indians, the Sons of Daniel Boone, and the Boy Brigades—all precursors of the Boy Scouts. Other champions of muscular Christianity, such every bit the newly formed Immature Men's Christian Association, built gymnasiums, often attached to churches, where youths could strengthen their bodies also as their spirits. It was a Immature Men's Christian Association (YMCA) leader who coined the term bodybuilding, and others invented the sports of basketball and volleyball.²¹

Muscular Christianity, though, was most even more than than building strong bodies and minds. Many advocates also ardently championed Western imperialism, cheering on attempts to acculturate non-Western peoples. Aureate Age men were encouraged to encompass a particular vision of masculinity connected intimately with the rising tides of nationalism, militarism, and imperialism. Gimmicky ideals of American masculinity at the plough of the century adult in concert with the United States' purple and militaristic endeavors in the West and abroad. During the Spanish-American War in 1898, Teddy Roosevelt and his Rough Riders embodied the idealized prototype of the tall, strong, virile, and fit American homo that simultaneously epitomized the ethics of ability that informed the United states of america' imperial calendar. Roosevelt and others like him believed a reinvigorated masculinity would preserve the American race's superiority against foreign foes and the effeminizing furnishings of overcivilization.

Amusement-hungry Americans flocked to new entertainments at the plow of the twentieth century. In this early-twentieth-century photograph, visitors enjoy Luna Park, one of the original entertainment parks on Brooklyn's famous Coney Isle. Visitors to Coney Island'due south Luna Park, ca.1910-1915. Library of Congress (LC-B2- 2240-13).

But while many fretted about traditional American life, others lost themselves in new forms of mass civilisation. Vaudeville signaled new cultural worlds. A unique variety of popular entertainments, these traveling circuit shows first appeared during the Civil War and peaked between 1880 and 1920. Vaudeville shows featured comedians, musicians, actors, jugglers, and other talents that could captivate an audition. Unlike earlier rowdy acts meant for a male person audience that included alcohol, vaudeville was considered family-friendly, "polite" entertainment, though the acts involved offensive ethnic and racial caricatures of African Americans and contempo immigrants. Vaudeville performances were oftentimes minor and quirky, though venues such as the renowned Palace Theatre in New York City signaled truthful distinction for many performers. Popular entertainers such equally silent pic star Charlie Chaplin and magician Harry Houdini made names for themselves on the vaudeville circuit. Merely if live entertainment still captivated audiences, others looked to entirely new technologies.

Past the turn of the century, two technologies pioneered by Edison—the phonograph and motion pictures—stood ready to revolutionize leisure and assist create the mass entertainment culture of the twentieth century. The phonograph was the beginning reliable device capable of recording and reproducing audio. But it was more than than that. The phonograph could create multiple copies of recordings, sparking a great expansion of the market for pop music. Although the phonograph was a technical success, Edison at first had trouble developing commercial applications for it. He thought it might be used for dictation, recording audio messages, preserving speeches and dying words of groovy men, producing talking clocks, or teaching elocution. He did not anticipate that its greatest use would be in the field of mass entertainment, but Edison's sales agents soon reported that many phonographs were being used for just that, especially in so-chosen phonograph parlors, where customers could pay a nickel to hear a piece of music. By the turn of the century, Americans were purchasing phonographs for home utilise. Entertainment became the phonograph'south major market.

Inspired by the success of the phonograph every bit an amusement device, Edison decided in 1888 to develop "an instrument which does for the Eye what the phonograph does for the Ear." In 1888, he patented the concept of motion pictures. In 1889, he innovated the rolling of motion-picture show. By 1891, he was exhibiting a movement-moving-picture show camera (a kinetograph) and a viewer (a kinetoscope). By 1894, the Edison Company had produced about seventy-five films suitable for auction and viewing. They could exist viewed through a small eyepiece in an arcade or parlor. They were short, typically about three minutes long. Many of the early films depicted athletic feats and competitions. One 1894 pic, for instance, showed a half-dozen-circular boxing lucifer. The catalog description gave a sense of the appeal it had for male viewers: "Total of difficult fighting, clever hits, punches, leads, dodges, body blows and some slugging." Other early kinetoscope subjects included Indian dances, nature and outdoor scenes, re-creations of historical events, and humorous skits. Past 1896, the Edison Vitascope could project motion-picture show, shifting audiences away from arcades and pulling them into theaters. Edison's movie catalog meanwhile grew in sophistication. He sent filmmakers to afar and exotic locales like Nihon and Communist china. Long-form fictional films created a need for "moving-picture show stars," such as the glamorous Mary Pickford, the swashbuckling Douglas Fairbanks, the acrobatic comedian Buster Keaton, who began to appear in the popular imagination beginning around 1910. Aslope professional boxing and baseball game, the film industry was creating the modern culture of celebrity that would narrate twentieth-century mass entertainment.²²

VI. Conclusion

Designers of the 1893 Columbian Exposition in Chicago built the White Urban center in a neoclassical architectural style. The integrated design of buildings, walkways, and landscapes propelled the burgeoning City Cute move. The Off-white itself was a huge success, bringing more than twenty-seven 1000000 people to Chicago and helping to plant the ideology of American exceptionalism. Wikimedia.

Afterwards enduring four bloody years of warfare and a strained, decade-long endeavour to reconstruct the defeated South, the United states abandoned itself to industrial development. Businesses expanded in calibration and scope. The nature of labor shifted. A middle class rose. Wealth concentrated. Immigrants crowded into the cities, which grew upward and outward. The Jim Crow South stripped away the vestiges of Reconstruction, and New South boosters papered over the scars. Industrialists hunted profits. Evangelists appealed to people's morals. Consumers lost themselves in new appurtenances and new technologies. Women emerging into new urban spaces embraced new social possibilities. In all of its many facets, past the plow of the twentieth century, the United States had been radically transformed. And the transformations connected to ripple outward into the West and overseas, and in into radical protestation and progressive reforms. For Americans at the twilight of the nineteenth century and the dawn of the twentieth, a bold new world loomed.

VII. Main Sources

i. Andrew Carnegie on "The Triumph of America" (1885)

Steel magnate Andrew Carnegie celebrated and explored American economic progress in this 1885 article, subsequently reprinted in his 1886 book,Triumphant Democracy.

2. Henry Grady on the New S (1886)

Atlanta newspaperman and apostle of the "New Due south," Henry Grady, won national recognition for his December 21, 1886 speech to the New England Club in New York City.

3. Ida B. Wells-Barnett, "Lynch Law in America" (1900)

Ida B. Wells-Barnett, born enslaved in Mississippi, was a pioneering activist and journalist. She did much to expose the epidemic of lynching in the Usa and her writing and research exploded many of the justifications—peculiarly the rape of white women by Black men—normally offered to justify the do.

4. Henry Adams,The Education of Henry Adams (1918)

Henry Adams, the corking grandson of President John Adams, the grandson of President John Quincy Adams, the son of a major American diplomat, and an accomplished Harvard historian, writing in the third person, describes his feel at the Keen Exposition in Paris in 1900 and writes of his encounter with "forces totally new."

5. Charlotte Perkins Gilman, "Why I WroteThe Yellow Wallpaper" (1913)

Charlotte Perkins Gilman won much attending in 1892 for publishing "The Yellow Wallpaper," a semi-autobiographical brusk story dealing with mental wellness and contemporary social expectations for women. In the following piece, Gilman reflected on writing and publishing the piece.

half dozen. Jacob Riis,How the Other Half Lives (1890)

Jacob Riis, a Danish immigrant, combined photography and journalism into a powerful indictment of poverty in America. His 1890,How the Other One-half Livesshocked Americans with its raw depictions of urban slums. Here, he describes poverty in New York.

seven. Rose Cohen on the Earth Beyond her Immigrant Neighborhood (ca.1897/1918)

Rose Cohen was born in Russia in 1880 as Rahel Golub. She immigrated to the U.s. in 1892 and lived in a Russian Jewish neighborhood in New York'due south Lower E Side. Her, she writes virtually her encounter with the earth outside of her indigenous neighborhood.

8. Mulberry Street (ca. 1900)

At the turn of the century, New York Urban center's Lower East Side became the most densely packed urban surface area in the earth. This colorized photomechanical print from the Detroit Photographic depicts daily life on Mulberry Street, the expanse's fundamental artery.

9. Coney Island (ca. 1910-1915)

Amusement-hungry Americans flocked to new entertainments at the turn of the twentieth century. In this early-twentieth century photograph, visitors savor Luna Park, ane of the original amusement parks on Brooklyn'southward famous Coney Island.

8. Reference Cloth

This chapter was edited by David Hochfelder, with content contributions by Jacob Betz, David Hochfelder, Gerard Koeppel, Scott Libson, Kyle Livie, Paul Matzko, Isabella Morales, Andrew Robichaud, Kate Sohasky, Joseph Super, Susan Thomas, Kaylynn Washnock, and Kevin Young.

Recommended citation: Jacob Betz et al., "Life in Industrial America," David Hochfelder, ed., in The American Yawp, eds. Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).

Quizlet Family Members Affect One Anotherã¢â‚¬â„¢s Health in All of the Following Ways Except ____.

I. Introduction

II. Industrialization & Technological Innovation

III. Immigration and Urbanization

IV. The New South and the Trouble of Race

V. Gender, Religion, and Civilization

VI. Conclusion

VII. Main Sources

8. Reference Cloth

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